The assignment for the two week fall break will be passed out on September 22nd and is due on October 10th. Be sure to read the articles/essays carefully and fully answer questions. You may send me an email if you cannot understand something. Send it to me via this website OR at my school or home email addresses. If you're following me on Twitter, send me a tweet!
Miss Jepsen
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Hey Juniors! Stay on top of all that's happening in Montgomery High School's Advanced Placement Language & Composition ...
Tuesday, September 20, 2011
Week 10 words!
Week 10 vocabulary for the test on Friday, September 23rd!
appease
vacuous
surreptitious
arboreal
deceit
lugubrious
arbiter
hubris
distort
antipathy
hedonism
critique
vicissitude
illusory
comic
antiseptic
supplant
prosaic
novel (adjective)
antagonize
appease
vacuous
surreptitious
arboreal
deceit
lugubrious
arbiter
hubris
distort
antipathy
hedonism
critique
vicissitude
illusory
comic
antiseptic
supplant
prosaic
novel (adjective)
antagonize
Wednesday, May 4, 2011
AP Testing Time!
AP Language and Composition will be taking the AP test on Wednesday, May 11th! Be sure to stop by room 402 BEFORE reporting to your testing room so that you can pick up your 'good luck' treat and a freshly blessed pencil, okay?
Good luck, everyone! Shoot for a perfect score! Make me proud!
Miss Jepsen
Good luck, everyone! Shoot for a perfect score! Make me proud!
Miss Jepsen
Friday, April 8, 2011
"Old Man and the Sea" quiz 5
MoH: Miss Jepsen Name:_____________________
AP English Language
The Old Man and the Sea: Quiz 5, pp. 90-the ending
1. On page 91, Santiago pleads, “Last for me, head. Last for me. You never went.” Is this true as far as you know? Has Santiago been clear-headed throughout the novel?
2. Notice the contrast in the sentence on page 94, “Then the fish came alive, with his death in him.” How can someone or something come alive as it is dying?
3. Consider the image on page 99 of Santiago side by side with the fish. What does this represent?
4. On page 101, Hemingway says, “He was full of resolution but he had little hope.” What does this mean?
5. Discuss Santiago’s statement(page 103), “A man can be destroyed but not defeated.” How can this be true?
6. Hemingway describes the shovelnose shark attacking the fish, “He came like a pig to the trough.” What makes this simile effective?
7. On page 119, Santiago knows finally that he is beaten. Is his reaction one of despair?
8. What is Manolin’s reaction when he finds Santiago asleep in the morning?
9. How does Manolin comfort Santiago?
10. Most critics feel that Santiago is a hero. Define “hero” and explain whether/not you think Santiago is one.
11. “Grace under pressure” and “fighting the good fight” are themes found in most of Hemingway’s novels/ stories. Explain how these themes are utilized in The Old Man and the Sea.
AP English Language
The Old Man and the Sea: Quiz 5, pp. 90-the ending
1. On page 91, Santiago pleads, “Last for me, head. Last for me. You never went.” Is this true as far as you know? Has Santiago been clear-headed throughout the novel?
2. Notice the contrast in the sentence on page 94, “Then the fish came alive, with his death in him.” How can someone or something come alive as it is dying?
3. Consider the image on page 99 of Santiago side by side with the fish. What does this represent?
4. On page 101, Hemingway says, “He was full of resolution but he had little hope.” What does this mean?
5. Discuss Santiago’s statement(page 103), “A man can be destroyed but not defeated.” How can this be true?
6. Hemingway describes the shovelnose shark attacking the fish, “He came like a pig to the trough.” What makes this simile effective?
7. On page 119, Santiago knows finally that he is beaten. Is his reaction one of despair?
8. What is Manolin’s reaction when he finds Santiago asleep in the morning?
9. How does Manolin comfort Santiago?
10. Most critics feel that Santiago is a hero. Define “hero” and explain whether/not you think Santiago is one.
11. “Grace under pressure” and “fighting the good fight” are themes found in most of Hemingway’s novels/ stories. Explain how these themes are utilized in The Old Man and the Sea.
Spring Assignment! Due 4/25
If you were absent on 4/8, this is the assignment for your spring break. It will be due the day after Easter!
Read the two speeches that are put into this post and then answer the questions that follow Abraham Lincoln's second inaugural address ...
“I have a Dream” by Martin Luther King, Jr
Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
Abraham Lincoln -- Second Inaugural Address
Saturday, March 4, 1865
Weeks of wet weather preceding Lincoln's second inauguration had caused Pennsylvania Avenue to become a sea of mud and standing water. Thousands of spectators stood in thick mud at the Capitol grounds to hear the President. As he stood on the East Portico to take the executive oath, the completed Capitol dome over the President's head was a physical reminder of the resolve of his Administration throughout the years of civil war. Chief Justice Salmon Chase administered the oath of office. In little more than a month, the President would be assassinated.
Fellow-Countrymen:
At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.
One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
ASSIGNMENT: Read both of the attached speeches completely, and then ...
1. Nearly 100 years separate the speeches of Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther King, Jr. How would you characterize each speech’s diction (word choice) as a whole? (In your answers, be sure to include adjectives to describe Lincoln’s and King’s diction and references from the speeches to support your reasoning.) The expectation is TWO well-developed short essays.
2. Based on the type of diction that Lincoln and King use, what is the tone of each passage?
a. To do this, select a minimum of ten and a maximum of fifteen words and phrases Lincoln uses and explain the connotation behind each word or phrase. Do the same for King.
b. Then, based on the connotative value of those words and phrases, define the underlying feeling of each speech. (In your answer, be sure you have adjectives to describe the speaker’s tone and examples from each speech to support this analyses.)
The expectation is your thinking in a list, and your conclusions in developed paragraphs.
3. Analyze Lincoln’s and King’s purpose in each speech.
a. What do you think that each orator hoped to accomplish?
b. What gave you insights into his purpose? Include references to the content of his particular speech. The expectation is a well-developed paragraph.
4. Judge the effectiveness of each speaker’s speech. In other words, do you think the speech accomplished the orator’s purpose? Thoroughly explain your judgment: use examples from the speech, as necessary. You’ve got it, the expectation is well-developed short essays.
THIS SPRING ASSIGNMENT IS DUE ON MONDAY, APRIL 25, 2011.
Read the two speeches that are put into this post and then answer the questions that follow Abraham Lincoln's second inaugural address ...
“I have a Dream” by Martin Luther King, Jr
Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
Abraham Lincoln -- Second Inaugural Address
Saturday, March 4, 1865
Weeks of wet weather preceding Lincoln's second inauguration had caused Pennsylvania Avenue to become a sea of mud and standing water. Thousands of spectators stood in thick mud at the Capitol grounds to hear the President. As he stood on the East Portico to take the executive oath, the completed Capitol dome over the President's head was a physical reminder of the resolve of his Administration throughout the years of civil war. Chief Justice Salmon Chase administered the oath of office. In little more than a month, the President would be assassinated.
Fellow-Countrymen:
At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.
One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
ASSIGNMENT: Read both of the attached speeches completely, and then ...
1. Nearly 100 years separate the speeches of Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther King, Jr. How would you characterize each speech’s diction (word choice) as a whole? (In your answers, be sure to include adjectives to describe Lincoln’s and King’s diction and references from the speeches to support your reasoning.) The expectation is TWO well-developed short essays.
2. Based on the type of diction that Lincoln and King use, what is the tone of each passage?
a. To do this, select a minimum of ten and a maximum of fifteen words and phrases Lincoln uses and explain the connotation behind each word or phrase. Do the same for King.
b. Then, based on the connotative value of those words and phrases, define the underlying feeling of each speech. (In your answer, be sure you have adjectives to describe the speaker’s tone and examples from each speech to support this analyses.)
The expectation is your thinking in a list, and your conclusions in developed paragraphs.
3. Analyze Lincoln’s and King’s purpose in each speech.
a. What do you think that each orator hoped to accomplish?
b. What gave you insights into his purpose? Include references to the content of his particular speech. The expectation is a well-developed paragraph.
4. Judge the effectiveness of each speaker’s speech. In other words, do you think the speech accomplished the orator’s purpose? Thoroughly explain your judgment: use examples from the speech, as necessary. You’ve got it, the expectation is well-developed short essays.
THIS SPRING ASSIGNMENT IS DUE ON MONDAY, APRIL 25, 2011.
Saturday, January 15, 2011
San Diego Science Alliance High Tech Fair
The San Diego Science Alliance is holding their High Tech Fair on February 8, 2011 at Wyland Hall at the Del Mar Fairgrounds from 5 - 8 PM. It's a parent/student night with tons of cool interactive technologies, colleges/universities, and lots of the latest in many areas of science.
If you want more info, visit their website: SDSA.
There's also a "school" event on 2/9 from 8 - 2 PM at the same location.
If you want more info, visit their website: SDSA.
There's also a "school" event on 2/9 from 8 - 2 PM at the same location.
Sunday, December 26, 2010
What's due in the new year?
It is hoped that everyone in AP English Language and Composition is having a delightful, yet restful, winter holiday. Remember, there are some assignments that come due when you return to school on Tuesday, January 11, 2011!
Your Of Mice and Men project is due in my warm little hands as you enter the classroom on Tuesday, January 11th. The book, as short as it is, must be read in full to answer the questions on the assignment sheet. If you're asking yourself, "What assignment sheet?", you're too late to get one from me. Use your contact sheet and borrow someone's to do your assignment. There is no excuse for not having the work completed ... Especially since I passed it out more than a week before the break!
Week 5's vocabulary is due on January 14th ... And you have a test that day. Be ready! Study! The next group of words is far tougher and will be transferred onto some flash cards!
Happy New Year from Seattle!
Miss Jepsen
Your Of Mice and Men project is due in my warm little hands as you enter the classroom on Tuesday, January 11th. The book, as short as it is, must be read in full to answer the questions on the assignment sheet. If you're asking yourself, "What assignment sheet?", you're too late to get one from me. Use your contact sheet and borrow someone's to do your assignment. There is no excuse for not having the work completed ... Especially since I passed it out more than a week before the break!
Week 5's vocabulary is due on January 14th ... And you have a test that day. Be ready! Study! The next group of words is far tougher and will be transferred onto some flash cards!
Happy New Year from Seattle!
Miss Jepsen
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